Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg dies at 87

WASHINGTON — Supreme Court Jus­tice Ruth Bad­er Gins­burg, a diminu­tive yet tow­er­ing women’s rights cham­pi­on who became the court’s sec­ond female jus­tice, died Fri­day at her home in Wash­ing­ton. She was 87.

Gins­burg died of com­pli­ca­tions from metasta­t­ic pan­cre­at­ic can­cer, the court said.

Ginsberg’s death just over six weeks before Elec­tion Day is like­ly to set off a heat­ed bat­tle over whether Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump should nom­i­nate, and the Repub­li­can-led Sen­ate should con­firm, her replace­ment, or if the seat should remain vacant until the out­come of his race against Demo­c­rat Joe Biden is known.

Gins­burg announced in July that she was under­go­ing chemother­a­py treat­ment for lesions on her liv­er, the lat­est of her sev­er­al bat­tles with cancer.

Gins­burg spent her final years on the bench as the unques­tioned leader of the court’s lib­er­al wing and became some­thing of a rock star to her admir­ers. Young women espe­cial­ly seemed to embrace the court’s Jew­ish grand­moth­er, affec­tion­ate­ly call­ing her the Noto­ri­ous RBG, for her defense of the rights of women and minori­ties, and the strength and resilience she dis­played in the face of per­son­al loss and health crises.

Those health issues includ­ed five bouts with can­cer begin­ning in 1999, falls that result­ed in bro­ken ribs, inser­tion of a stent to clear a blocked artery and assort­ed oth­er hos­pi­tal­iza­tions after she turned 75.

She resist­ed calls by lib­er­als to retire dur­ing Barack Obama’s pres­i­den­cy at a time when Democ­rats held the Sen­ate and a replace­ment with sim­i­lar views could have been con­firmed. Instead, Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump will almost cer­tain­ly try to push Ginsburg’s suc­ces­sor through the Repub­li­can-con­trolled Sen­ate — and move the con­ser­v­a­tive court even more to the right.

Gins­burg antag­o­nized Trump dur­ing the 2016 pres­i­den­tial cam­paign in a series of media inter­views, includ­ing call­ing him a fak­er. She soon apologized.

Her appoint­ment by Pres­i­dent Bill Clin­ton in 1993 was the first by a Demo­c­rat in 26 years. She ini­tial­ly found a com­fort­able ide­o­log­i­cal home some­where left of cen­ter on a con­ser­v­a­tive court dom­i­nat­ed by Repub­li­can appointees. Her lib­er­al voice grew stronger the longer she served.

Gins­burg was a moth­er of two, an opera lover and an intel­lec­tu­al who ed argu­ments behind over­sized glass­es for many years, though she ditched them for more fash­ion­able frames in her lat­er years. At argu­ment ses­sions in the ornate court­room, she was known for dig­ging deep into case records and for being a stick­ler for fol­low­ing the rules.

She argued six key cas­es before the court in the 1970s when she was an archi­tect of the women’s rights move­ment. She won five.

“Ruth Bad­er Gins­burg does not need a seat on the Supreme Court to earn her place in the Amer­i­can his­to­ry books,” Clin­ton said at the time of her appoint­ment. “She has already done that.”

On the court, where she was known as a facile writer, her most sig­nif­i­cant major­i­ty opin­ions were the 1996 rul­ing that ordered the Vir­ginia Mil­i­tary Insti­tute to accept women or give up its state fund­ing, and the 2015 deci­sion that upheld inde­pen­dent com­mis­sions some states use to draw con­gres­sion­al districts.

Besides civ­il rights, Gins­burg took an inter­est in cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment, vot­ing repeat­ed­ly to lim­it its use. Dur­ing her tenure, the court declared it uncon­sti­tu­tion­al for states to exe­cute the intel­lec­tu­al­ly dis­abled and killers younger than 18.

In addi­tion, she ques­tioned the qual­i­ty of lawyers for poor accused mur­der­ers. In the most divi­sive of cas­es, includ­ing the Bush v. Gore deci­sion in 2000, she was often at odds with the court’s more con­ser­v­a­tive mem­bers — ini­tial­ly Chief Jus­tice William H. Rehn­quist and Jus­tices San­dra Day O’Connor, Antonin Scalia, Antho­ny M. Kennedy and Clarence Thomas.

The divi­sion remained the same after John Roberts replaced Rehn­quist as chief jus­tice, Samuel Ali­to took O’Connor’s seat, and, under Trump, Neil Gor­such and Brett Kavanaugh joined the court, in seats that had been held by Scalia and Kennedy, respectively.

Gins­burg would say lat­er that the 5–4 deci­sion that set­tled the 2000 pres­i­den­tial elec­tion for Repub­li­can George W. Bush was a “breath­tak­ing episode” at the court.

She was per­haps per­son­al­ly clos­est on the court to Scalia, her ide­o­log­i­cal oppo­site. Gins­burg once explained that she took Scalia’s some­times bit­ing dis­sents as a chal­lenge to be met. “How am I going to answer this in a way that’s a real put­down?” she said. Scalia died in 2016.

Gins­burg authored pow­er­ful dis­sents of her own in cas­es involv­ing abor­tion, vot­ing rights and pay dis­crim­i­na­tion against women. She said some were aimed at sway­ing the opin­ions of her fel­low judges while oth­ers were “an appeal to the intel­li­gence of anoth­er day” in the hopes that they would pro­vide guid­ance to future courts.

“Hope springs eter­nal,” she said in 2007, “and when I am writ­ing a dis­sent, I’m always hop­ing for that fifth or sixth vote — even though I’m dis­ap­point­ed more often than not.”

She wrote mem­o­rably in 2013 that the court’s deci­sion to cut out a key part of the fed­er­al law that had ensured the vot­ing rights of Black peo­ple, His­pan­ics and oth­er minori­ties was “like throw­ing away your umbrel­la in a rain­storm because you are not get­ting wet.”

Change on the court hit Gins­burg espe­cial­ly hard. She dis­sent­ed force­ful­ly from the court’s deci­sion in 2007 to uphold a nation­wide ban on an abor­tion pro­ce­dure that oppo­nents call par­tial-birth abor­tion. The court, with O’Connor still on it, had struck down a sim­i­lar state ban sev­en years ear­li­er. The “alarm­ing” rul­ing, Gins­burg said, “can­not be under­stood as any­thing oth­er than an effort to chip away at a right declared again and again by this court — and with increas­ing com­pre­hen­sion of its cen­tral­i­ty to women’s lives.”

In 1999, Gins­burg had surgery for colon can­cer and received radi­a­tion and chemother­a­py. She had surgery again in 2009 after being diag­nosed with pan­cre­at­ic can­cer and in Decem­ber 2018 for can­cer­ous growths on her left lung. Fol­low­ing the last surgery, she missed court ses­sions for the first time in more than 25 years on the bench.

Gins­burg also was treat­ed with radi­a­tion for a tumor on her pan­creas in August 2019. She main­tained an active sched­ule even dur­ing the three weeks of radi­a­tion. When she revealed a recur­rence of her can­cer in July 2020, Gins­burg said she remained “ful­ly able” to con­tin­ue as a justice.

Joan Ruth Bad­er was born in Brook­lyn, New York, in 1933, the sec­ond daugh­ter in a mid­dle-class fam­i­ly. Her old­er sis­ter, who gave her the life­long nick­name “Kiki,” died at age 6, so Gins­burg grew up in Brooklyn’s Flat­bush sec­tion as an only child. Her dream, she has said, was to be an opera singer.

Gins­burg grad­u­at­ed at the top of her Colum­bia Uni­ver­si­ty law school class in 1959 but could not find a law firm will­ing to hire her. She had “three strikes against her” — for being Jew­ish, female and a moth­er, as she put it in 2007.

She had mar­ried her hus­band, Mar­tin, in 1954, the year she grad­u­at­ed from Cor­nell Uni­ver­si­ty. She attend­ed Har­vard University’s law school but trans­ferred to Colum­bia when her hus­band took a law job there. Mar­tin Gins­burg went on to become a promi­nent tax attor­ney and law pro­fes­sor. Mar­tin Gins­burg died in 2010. She is sur­vived by two chil­dren, Jane and James, and sev­er­al grandchildren.

Gins­burg once said that she had not entered the law as an equal-rights cham­pi­on. “I thought I could do a lawyer’s job bet­ter than any oth­er,” she wrote. “I have no tal­ent in the arts, but I do write fair­ly well and ana­lyze prob­lems clearly.”



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